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Not Our Strait? Trump and the Case for Letting Hormuz Go

March 18, 2026 By Opinion.org Leave a Comment

Every few years, Washington rediscovers the Strait of Hormuz—usually when tensions spike, tankers get harassed, or oil prices twitch. The script is familiar: send ships, issue warnings, reaffirm that the United States will keep the artery open for global trade. But what if that script is exactly what Donald Trump would tear up?

Strip away the outrage for a second and look at the logic. Hormuz matters enormously—to the world. But not equally to America. The U.S. today is far less dependent on Gulf oil than it was twenty or thirty years ago. Asia is the primary customer. Europe still leans heavily on imported energy. Yet it’s the U.S. Navy that carries the burden of keeping the chokepoint secure, absorbing the risk, the cost, and the escalation potential every time things heat up with Iran.

Trump has never hidden his discomfort with that imbalance. His worldview isn’t built around preserving systems for their own sake; it’s built around deals. Who pays? Who benefits? Who’s free-riding? Through that lens, Hormuz starts to look less like a sacred obligation and more like an outdated contract—one that America never renegotiated after the energy map changed.

And that’s where the uncomfortable idea comes in. Declaring Hormuz “not America’s problem” wouldn’t necessarily mean abandoning it overnight. It would mean reframing it. If the strait is critical to global commerce, then let the global beneficiaries secure it. Let Europe step up. Let Asian economies—those most exposed to disruptions—carry more of the load. The U.S. could still participate, but as one actor among many, not the default guarantor.

Critics will say this invites chaos. Maybe. The Strait of Hormuz isn’t just another shipping lane; it’s a geopolitical tripwire. Pull back too far, and you risk miscalculation, market shocks, and opportunistic moves from Tehran. But there’s another risk that rarely gets equal attention: the risk of inertia. Of continuing to underwrite a system that no longer reflects current realities, simply because it once made sense.

Trump’s instinct—disrupt first, renegotiate later—fits here almost too well. He wouldn’t frame it in academic terms. He’d frame it bluntly: why are we paying to protect oil for other countries? It’s a question that resonates politically, even if it makes strategists uneasy.

And maybe that’s the real tension. The post–Cold War order assumes American stewardship of key global commons. Trump questions that assumption at its core. Hormuz is just one test case—but a revealing one. If the U.S. steps back, even partially, it forces a redistribution of responsibility that the rest of the world has long been able to avoid.

The uncomfortable truth is that this debate isn’t really about a narrow stretch of water between Iran and Oman. It’s about whether the United States still sees itself as the indispensable stabilizer of global systems—or just another powerful country looking to cut a better deal.

Trump’s answer, if he gets the chance to give it again, is unlikely to be subtle. And it won’t be universally welcomed. But it will be clear.

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